Zapraszamy do lektury zeszytu 3 rocznika 2018 "Przeglądu Historycznego"!
TREŚĆ ZESZYTU
ROZPRAWY
GLAUCO MARIA CANTARELLA – L’algoritmo di Anacleto II. La creazione del Regno di Sicilia
MACIEJ GÓRNY – Legitymizacja granic w refleksji geografów z Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej w okresie międzywojennym
JAN OLASZEK – Codzienność buntowników. Szkic o stylu życia dysydentów w państwach bloku sowieckiego
PAWEŁ MACHCEWICZ – Hiszpańskie rozliczenia z wojną domową i dyktaturą
NOWE SPOJRZENIA
GRZEGORZ PAC – Ograniczenia żeńskiej świętości królewskiej we wczesnym średniowieczu
ARTYKUŁY RECENZYJNE, RECENZJE I NOTY RECENZYJNE
KRZYSZTOF SKWIERCZYŃSKI – Grzegorz VII i jego rewolucja (na marginesie książki Glauco Marii Cantarelli, Gregorio VII, Salerno Editrice, Roma 2018)
WOJCIECH ZAROSA – O średniowiecznej przysiędze w związku z pracą Pawła Rogowskiego Przysięga w średniowiecznym prawie polskim (Katolicki Uniwersytet Lubelski, Lublin 2016)
JAN KIENIEWICZ – Europa Środkowa jako problem: czy można się zrozumieć? (W związku z tomem Understanding Central Europe, ed. Marcin Moskalewicz, Wojciech Przybylski, Routledge, London–New York 2018)
MICHAEL MORYS-TWAROWSKI – Dlaczego również historycy powinni recenzować prace z zakresu antroponomastyki? (Izabela Łuc, Słownik nazwisk mieszkańców południowego Śląska XIX wieku, Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Śląskiego, Katowice 2016)
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Karol Kłodziński, Officium a rationibus. Studium z dziejów administracji rzymskiej w okresie pryncypatu, Monografie Fundacji Nauki Polskiej, Toruń 2017 (Paweł Sawiński)
Katalogi testamentów mieszkańców miast z terenów Korony i Wielkiego Księstwa Litewskiego do 1795 roku, red. Urszula Augustyniak, t. I–VII, Warszawa 2017 (Paweł Klint)
Filip Kubiaczyk, Cesarz Karol V. Klęska polityki, triumf idei, Napoleon V, Oświęcim 2017 (Matylda Urjasz-Raczko)
Kamil Kijek, Dzieci modernizmu. Świadomość, kultura i socjalizacja polityczna młodzieży żydowskiej w II Rzeczpospolitej, Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Wrocławskiego, Wrocław 2017 (Izabela Mrzygłód)
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Sara Kaczko, Archaic and Classical Attic Dedicatory Epigrams. An Epigraphic, Literary, and Linguistic Commentary, De Gruyter, Berlin–Boston 2016 (Trends in Classics, 33) (Rafał Matuszewski)
Maciej Moszyński, Antysemityzm w Królestwie Polskim. Narodziny nowoczesnej ideologii antyżydowskiej (1864-1914), Instytut Historii UAM, Poznań 2017, ss. 468 (Olgierd Kiec)
GLAUCO MARIA CANTARELLA
Università di Bologna
L’algoritmo di Anacleto II. La creazione del Regno di Sicilia
L’algoritmo è una funzione matematica, cioè logica, che in un numero finito di passaggi non ambigui conduce al risultato certo e inappellabile. Questa è la forma che di fatto assume il 7 agosto 1130 l’attribuzione della corona del regno di Sicilia a Ruggero II d’Altavilla da parte di papa Anacleto II. Anche se questo atto si colloca all’interno dello scisma del 1130 –1138 (che non si può più vedere sotto la luce delle categorie storiografiche di età e ambiente nazista di una lotta fra vecchio e nuovo mondo, alte / neue Reform), non è un segno di debolezza del papa costretto a questo passo dalla necessità di trovare un alleato: al contrario è un atto di forza e di maestà, Anacleto II inventa un regno che dovrà essere, nel suo intendimento, vassallo della Sede Apostolica; è quanto si può dire alla luce di una sia pur rapida ricognizione della sua posizione ecclesiologica, perfettamente coerente con il percorso di evoluzione dell’ecclesiologia romana dall’XI secolo (Gregorio VII) al XIII (Innocenzo III). Molto più debole, ambigua e forzata sarà la posizione di Innocenzo II quando, unico papa perché sopravvissuto ad Anacleto II, dalla sconfitta militare sarà obbligato a riconoscere e legittimare quel re e quel regno che non era riuscito ad abbattere, inventando la memoria di un regno esistito nel passato che Ruggero avrebbe restaurato.
MACIEJ GÓRNY
Polska Akademia Nauk
Instytut Historii im. Tadeusza Manteuffla
Legitimisation of borders according to geographers from Central and Eastern Europe in the inter-war period
The beginnings of the political career of geopolitics are usually associated with the German annexation debate of the First World War as well as the Germany’s reaction to its territorial losses following the Treaty of Versailles. The present article expands this genealogy to include an Eastern European dimension. During the war and immediately after its ending geographers from Central and Eastern, and South-Eastern Europe formulated several argumentation strategies to support the territorial demands of their delegations in Paris. The idea that predominated initially was the one of ethnic borders, which were an expression of the right to self-determination as well as the most significant correction for strategic and economic justifications. Very soon, however, the experts present at the peace conference became convinced that arguments other than ethnic arguments should be used. These arguments coincided with key elements of geopolitical thinking focused on “natural” borders based on geological, climatic, biological as well as cultural factors. The most active among the experts in this respect were eminent scholars from Poland (e.g. Eugeniusz Romer), Czechoslovakia (e.g. Viktor Dvorský), Ukraine (Stepan Rudnytsky), Hungary (Pál Teleki), Yugoslavia (Jovan Cvijić), Romania (Simion Mehedinţi) and Germany (Albrecht Penck, Wilhelm Volz). Most of them continued this line of thinking in the inter-war period, contributing to the creation of their respective national varieties of geopolitics.
JAN OLASZEK
Instytut Pamięci Narodowej
Biuro Badań Historycznych
The everyday life of rebels. On the lifestyle of dissidents in the Eastern Bloc after 1956
The essay deals with the lifestyle of dissidents in the Eastern Bloc from 1956 until the fall of communism. The author analyses elements that can be regarded as characteristic of the everyday life of this group.
Decisions taken by dissidents often required acceptance of possible negative consequences of open resistance to the system or standing up for its victims. The dissidents could fear not only for themselves but also for their loved ones, because they, too, suffered the consequences of the dissidents’ actions and were, too, affected by repression. When embarking on their opposition activities the dissidents were aware of the fact that they were facing a huge risk. In many cases they had experienced the oppressiveness of the system before. Many of them became the object of extremely brutal repression, but this did not discourage them. For dissidents from countries with the most repressive systems in particular imprisonment became a natural consequence of their actions; they simply had to prepare themselves for it. Repressive measures also meant that the boundaries between the public and the private lives were blurred to some extent. House searchers, body searches in the streets, police “tails”, tapping, being arrested for forty-eight hours – all this became a permanent feature of the dissidents’ everyday life.
At the same time being involved in the opposition movement gave the dissidents a sense of being true to themselves. This feeling must have outweighed all other feelings associated with the repression they were experiencing. The dissidents’ memories are also strongly marked by a sense of community with other people in a similar situation. As a result, the life of opposition activists and dissidents was often confined to closed circles. This led to the emergence of opposition “ghettos” of sorts. Of key importance to the social network created by the dissidents was trust, as was loyalty to friends sharing their fate, friends they knew had similar values and expressed them in a similar way with their attitudes. This is how they created the so-called ethos groups.
PAWEŁ MACHCEWICZ
Polska Akademia Nauk
Instytut Studiów Politycznych
Spanish settling of accounts with the Civil War and dictatorship
When it comes to the “third wave of democratisation” as defined by Samuel Huntington Spain is an extreme example: a country in which the perpetrators of crimes committed during the dictatorship were not brought to justice and in which the very topic of the crimes was practically absent during the democratic transition. On the other hand, Spain is a model example of a “late” return to the subject of accountability for the repression perpetrated by its authoritarian government, a return which is the work of a new generation, a quarter of a century after the death of the dictator and the dismantling of the regime he created.
The trauma associated with the memory of the bloody Civil War of 1936–1939 and mass repression of the 1930s and 1940s proved to be so strong that no political party involved in the democratic transformation after Franco’s death in 1975 demanded punishment for the perpetrators; the parties even avoided raising this matter in public. What was also important was the fact that democratic transformations in their first, decisive phase were controlled by the post-Francoist elites. 1977 was marked by the adoption of an amnesty law encompassing all political crimes; to this day the law blocks all attempts to bring to court cases of crimes committed during the Civil War and the dictatorship. The matter was raised again only after 2000, as a result of the work of a grassroots movement carrying out exhumations of the victims of Francoist terror. This gave rise to a wave of public discussions and political controversy concerning the assessment of the war, dictatorship and democratic transformation. 2007 saw the adoption of a historical remembrance law, which brought moral and financial compensation for the defenders of the Republic in 1936–1939 and victims of Francoism. However, attempts made since the adoption of the law to challenge the amnesty and start bringing to justice some perpetrators of Francoist crimes have failed. Spain is criticised for this by the United Nations and human rights organisations.
GRZEGORZ PAC
Uniwersytet Warszawski
Instytut Historyczny
Limits of royal female sanctity in the Early Middle Ages
The article is a broad presentation of the problem of royal female sanctity and its limits in the Early Middle Ages. The author points out that the image of saint women from dynastic circles is in this period usually linked with the symbolic or actual rejection of the status of wife of a ruler and the obligations this status entailed. Good examples of this are the Vita Radegundis of Venantius Fortunatus or the Anglo-Saxon tradition of St Æthelthryth, both showcasing what are in effect monastic ideals. Although examples to the contrary, such as the lives of Mathilda, mother of Otto I, can also be found, their common feature is that the belief in the sanctity of their heroines expressed in the texts, was not matched by an actual popular cult. Not even Christian wives known for having converted their pagan husbands (such as for example Polish duchess Dobrawa), those seemingly perfect objects of cult, were venerated. It seems that the only female saint in this period with a functioning cult that fully integrated sanctity with queenship was Margaret of Scotland. As opposed to Radegund or Elisabeth of Hungary, popular in the Early and High Middle Ages, respectively, Margaret became a saint not in spite of being queen, but, to a certain extent at least, precisely as a queen or even thanks to being one.